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This paper offers a new analysis of Russian syntactic idioms consisting of stressed general negation
n´e
- fused with a
wh
-word (
k
-word). The elements from this class take infinitival complements and select dative subjects. The clauses with Russian
neg
-words like
mne negde spat’
‘I have no space to sleep’ and their affirmative counterparts represent the modal existential construction conveying the meaning ‘
p
is (not) available &
X
can (not) do
q
’. I argue that while the perspective of checking Russian modal existentials on a class of embedded
wh
-infinitives is important, it must be complemented by a comparison of idioms of the
mne negde spat’
type with two productive sentence patterns—dative-predicative and dative-infinitive structures. The former are control structures, where dative subjects are matrix clause elements, while the latter have raising properties. Syntactic idioms display mixed properties: on the one hand, they match the overt syntax of dative predicatives, on the other hand, show residual raising effects and license derived non-animate subjects. Like root dative-infinitive structures, syntactic idioms express the meaning of external (alethic) modality, but the same type of modality can be expressed by some dative predicatives. The clauses with
neg
-words originated as embedded dative-infinitive structures, a type marginally acceptable in Modern Russian, while the dative-predicative construction extends its coverage and assimilates
neg
-words. The
neg
-words are derived by the movement of
k
-words into the matrix clause. If a case-marked
k
-word raises to a non-argument position, it loses morphological case and the
neg
-word is reanalyzed as a predicative. If a case-marked
k
-word raises to the subject position, the
neg
-word inherits the case of the
k
-word, which is possible only for dative
k
-words
komu
and
čemu
.